By Meine van Noordwijk, Georg Cadisch, Chin K Ong

This publication presents a synthesis of plant-soil-plant interactions from the plot to panorama scale. It specializes in the method point, that is correct to many sorts of multispecies agroecosystems (agroforestry, intercropping and others). It additionally hyperlinks uncomplicated examine to useful software (and indigenous wisdom) in a variety of platforms without or with bushes, and considers implications of below-ground interactions for the surroundings and worldwide switch concerns. The contents contain root structure and dynamics, plant-soil biota interactions, soil biodiversity and nutrients webs, water and nutrient biking, and the mandatory linkage to modelling methods. to be had In Print

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Additional resources for Below-ground interactions in tropical agroecosystems: concepts and models with multiple plant components

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Locality’, in this sense, may be defined socially as well as geographically. As shown in Fig. 1, such local ecological knowledge comprises both directly and indirectly acquired knowledge. Typically, it is the locally derived elements that differ from scientific knowledge in their level of aggregation (grouping according to perceived pertinence). Whereas science has emphasized reductive analysis, farmers tend to think more holistically, with limits imposed on their analysis by what they are able to observe and experience.

It has been shown, in a range of cultural and agroecological contexts, that some of the understanding that farmers have involves mechanistic explanation of natural processes comparable with, and often complementing, scientific knowledge (Richards, 1994; Sinclair and Walker, 1999; Ford and Martinez, 2000). For these reasons we prefer to use the term ‘local ecological knowledge’ to refer to knowledge about agroecology held by people living in a particular locality. ‘Locality’, in this sense, may be defined socially as well as geographically.

The Hanunoo shifting cultivators in the Philippines use the interpretation of their dreams in their selection of cultivation sites (Conklin, 1957). In Zambia, in cases of a venomous snake bite, local peo- ple can readily articulate the mechanism by which a victim is affected, but, why that particular person met with the misfortune of being bitten requires a higher-level, supernatural explanation involving malice and witchcraft (Sinclair and Joshi, 2000). In practice, however, farmers tend to reply to pragmatic questions about the ecology of their farming systems with answers based on natural rather than supernatural explanations.

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