By Eric Corbeyran, Rollin

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81 First, she finds that they engage in what she terms ‘passing’: a way of avoiding the issue by suggesting that they may have children in the future, leading interlocutors to believe that their desire for children is alive and well but has not yet been realised. Second is ‘identity substitution’, according to which women who are voluntarily childless lead others to believe that they are childless due to infertility. The dishonesty inherent in these two strategies is concerning and will hopefully be remedied by greater acceptance of expressions of non-desire in the future.

162. 52 Paltineau, Femmes sans enfants: Enquête sur le refus de maternité des femmes de trente à cinquante ans, 79. 53 Debest, Le Choix d’une vie sans enfant, 48, 51. 54 Paltineau, Femmes sans enfants: Enquête sur le refus de maternité des femmes de trente à cinquante ans, 81. Theorising Voluntary Childlessness 35 In polar opposition to the American studies that isolate professional situation as a factor, Paltineau’s study discerns no connection between labour force participation and voluntary childlessness.

Harold Feldman, ‘A Comparison of Intentional Parents and Intentionally Childless Couples’, Journal of Marriage and the Family 43/3 (1981), 593–600. 36 Elinor Burkett, The Baby Boon: How Family-Friendly America Cheats the Childless (New York: Free Press, 2000). 37 Earlier studies in particular, although not exclusively, were concerned with identifying the demographic information of those who did not mother and, as a corollary, isolating the predictors of this choice. Many studies cite race as a factor, arguing that white, European American women are statistically more likely to choose childlessness.

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